New paper: Competition through inter-urban policymaking

A new paper was recently accepted at Environment and Planning: A. In it I pick up on an emerging debate over the explosion of city-to-city policy parnterships (C40 Cities, the Cities Alliance, etc): scholars have descibed this phenomenon as an ‘oligarchic diffusion’ of public policy between city elites, as city halls develop their own forms of ‘diplomatic entrepreneurship’, and urban policies become transnationally ‘mobile’ between cities via various consulting/knowledge/political networks. Benjamin Barber’s recent TED talk on ‘why mayors ruled the world’ provides a good — but problematically uncritical — summary of this explosion in globally-focused urban-based governance.

The core argument of this paper is that these various forms of sharing policy between cities need to be reconsidered. They are not simply about sharing and learning, but also about selling and branding: there is a deeper entrepreneurial logic behind cities’ decision to build policy partnerships with other cities. Olympic bid cities are a case in point: they extensively network amongst each other, sharing expertise on everything from consultant lists to technical standards. Yet very little of this ‘sharing’ is altruistic: many cities are instead using transnational knowledge networks as a means to build legitimacy for local projects.

The paper is forthcoming at Environment & Planning A. The final version is available on my Academia.edu page.

Title: Competition through inter-urban policymaking: bidding to host mega-events and entrepreneurial networking

Keywords: entrepreneurial city, networked entrepreneurialism, urban policy, bidding, mega-events

Abstract: Recent scholarship on policy mobility, globally-active municipal governments, and transnational city-to-city policymaking suggest a new dynamic in entrepreneurial cities: entrepreneurialism based not only on place competition, but also based on practices of inter-urban networking. This paper argues that cross-city initiatives to share planning expertise can function both as policymaking networks and as markets for policy knowledge, as urban governance stakeholders strategically leverage inter-city initiatives for sharing urban planning knowledge. Bidding to host sporting ‘megaevents’ highlights these networked entrepreneurial strategies. A comparative study of bids to host the Olympic Games over a twenty year period shows that policymaking knowledge (templates, models, and best practices) shared between cities is both necessary for competing to host events, and represent ‘policy commodities’ that planning coalitions can use as part of their entrepreneurial portfolios. While much commentary on inter-urban policymaking focuses on how policy practices are received by cities or mobilized by international businesses or policymakers, this paper signals to a multi-directional entrepreneurial strategy: although megaevents federations and sponsors developed megaevents knowledge networks to leverage urban planning for profit, many local development coalitions have incorporated these same networks into their competitive strategies.

IOC policy report published

I have had the privilege of working with the International Olympic Committee and Olympic Studies Centre as a recipient of their joint postgraduate research grant. The grant funded a significant portion of my ongoing research, and gave me an opportunity to meet/collaborate with a number of wonderful folks at both organizations. I recently prepared a policy brief for these organizations, which is published here and attached to this post. In the report I lay out a strategy for planning ‘legacy after the bid’, Olympic urban legacies in cities that bid to host the Games but don’t actually secure the hosting rights:

This project examines the urban development impacts of bidding to host Olympic Games. While there is a well-developed scholarship on legacy in Olympic host cities, less is known about the urban legacies of unsuccessful Olympic candidatures. The study addresses this by analyzing land use legacies of bidding in Olympic applicant and candidate cities, during host city elections over a twenty year period (80 bids for Games between 2000 and 2020). It draws on content analysis of bidding documents, and spatial analysis of land use change in bid cities using historical planning documents and maps. The study demonstrates that bids to host Olympics, even when unsuccessful, provide a means for formalizing local development strategies. Likewise, bid plans are often implemented to some degree regardless of a candidature’s success because local stakeholders leverage one sports development plan for use in multiple Olympic and non-Olympic bids, engaging in incremental and speculative investment along the way. The study identifies policy processes that facilitate or hinder urban development legacies after the bid, concluding with recommendations for building local capacity to coordinate across various bids, and for monitoring the urban impacts of unsuccessful bids in cities that bid for the Games multiple times.

The usual disclaimers apply: the opinions presented in the report do not necessarily match those of the indviduals and organizations that contributed to the project. Likewise, any errors or omissions are solely my own. Please feel free to contact me with questions or suggestions for improving/expanding the study.

Lauermann – Olympic Studies Centre report

AAG 2014 conference

I was able to participate in a fantastic set of sessions on megaevents planning at the 2014 Association of American Geographers. As usual, I’m impressed by the high caliber of urban studies/geography scholarship on megaevents, much of it presented in these two sessions.

My paper, which is attached below, focused on the role of policy ‘failures’ in urban development planning. Specifically, I examine the role of unsuccessful Olympic bids in urban land planning. While there have been several excellent case studies on failed Olympic bids in individual cities like Toronto, Berlin, and Istanbul; Dr Robert Oliver’s work on the long-term impacts of failed bids to host events in Toronto is a particularly impressive example. However, less comparative analysis has been conducted on this phenomenon (aside from my own work). As such, I draw on archival records from bid committees and municipal governments, analyzing a sample of 80 Olympic bids from 57 cities (bids to host Summer and Winter Games from 2000-2020, with bids dating 1992-2013). I catalog land investment projects proposed in each of the bids, trace relevant stakeholders (e.g. who is funding/designing/implementing each project) across bids, and evaluate if and why some ‘Olympic’ land projects are completed even in cities that fail to secure Olympic hosting rights. I couple this with material from one of my ongoing case studies: the long term land planning outcomes of a failed bid to host the 2012 Olympics in New York City.

The implication of the paper is that unsuccessful Olympic bids are often still significant policy tools: they often serve as a platform for pushing through individual land investment projects and/or building a long term development plan over the course of multiple events/bids.

Lauermann – Failure as catalyst – April 2014

Olympic bid cities are bidding on more than just the Olympics

As six cities begin the early stages of bidding to host the 2022 Winter Olympics, it’s important to keep in mind that most of these bids are not happening in isolation. Cities rarely bid to host a single event; a much more common strategy is to develop a general sports development plan (what types of facilities, where to put them, how to pay for them, etc) and then recycle that plan in pursuit of a variety of sport megaevents.

The international sports megaevents calendar is dominated, unsurprisingly, by the Summer and Winter Olympics. (FIFA World Cups draw a comparable crowd and require similar levels of investment, but this post focuses on events that are hosted by cities…the World Cup is hosted by a national government and thus entails a different set of implications for planning and public policy.) Within the Olympic calendar, there are also a number of smaller ‘major events’. The planning implications of these events are qualitatively comparable to Olympics planning, but occur on a smaller scale: they involve a similar ‘multi-sport’ program that uses Olympic-specification facilities, they are planned on a two or four year cycle, and potential host cities participate in a formal, Olympics-style bid competition to host them. The Youth Olympic Games is one such event, and the Paralympics are another (Paralympics, however, are planned simultaneously with regular Olympics and hosted in the weeks preceding/following the formal Games). Regionally, several continental Olympic associations host smaller events: the Pan-American Sports Organization has the Pan-American Games, the Association of African National Olympic Committees runs the All-Africa Games, the Olympic Council of Asia maintains the Asian Games, and the European Olympic Committees will launch the first European Games in 2015. Moving beyond the Olympic franchises, the Commonwealth Games Federation imitates the Olympic planning system (and uses almost identical templates, benchmarks, and planning lifecycles). The World Student Games bill themselves as “only second to the Olympic Games”, and are another major player on the bidding circuit. These latter two events are functionally similar enough that Olympic bid committees can also compete to host these types of games.

In total, over the past 20 years 114 cities have bid to host one or more of these mega/major events. Many have bid multiple times to host either the same event or to host different events. Within this group of ambitious cities, however, some planning coalitions are particularly ambitious and bid both widely and persistently. These are diagrammed below (a JPG is posted here, and an interactive XML available via request).

Since the early 1990s, 17 cities have been particularly active in bidding on megaevents, placing 56 different bids.

Since the early 1990s, 17 cities have been particularly active in bidding on megaevents, placing 56 different bids.

By bidding so prolifically, planning coalitions in these cities are speculating on a large scales: Olympic bids often have budgets of $3-5 million per bid, for instance. While bid committees are often able to recycle large parts of one bid for use in another, high-frequency bidding for megaevents represents a significant commitment of public (and/or public-private partnership) resources. Bidding itself certainly has benefits: even unsuccessful bids generate publicity for government planners and provide a catalyst for redevelopment projects that were in various states of ongoing planning before the bid. There is an ongoing, but hotly contested debate over whether the bid itself can contribute to national economic growth. There is, however, a pressing need to consider the public policy implications of high-frequency bidding. More of my research on the topic is forthcoming…so please feel free to contact me with questions!

Oxford Future of Cities conference

I was recently invited to present a paper at an early career workshop at the University of Oxford. Hosted by the Oxford Programme for the Future of Cities and Oxford’s Institute for Science, Innovation, and Society, the workshop was part of a broader symposium on The Flexible City.

Major thanks are due both to the organizers for inviting me, and to all of the workshop participants for presenting a set of amazing research papers and great feedback on my own work.

The paper I presented is attached below: this is a summary piece, based on two manuscripts under review/in preparation.My core argument is that, when we consider it’s impact not just in ‘successful’ host cities but in the much broader sample of cities that ‘unsuccessfully’ bid to host megaevents, a fairly coherent process of urban development and policymaking is visible. Many cities pursue megaevent-inspired investment programs even if they are not successful in securing a hosting contract: a bid to host a megaevent (like an Olympics bid) is an effective way to design site plans and line up funding, and these plans (or slightly modified versions thereof) are often implemented even if a city does not win the megaevent in question.

Please feel free to email me (jlauermann[at]clarku.edu) to obtain copies of either of the two manuscripts on which this paper is based. As with all conference papers, the usual disclaimers apply: this is a preliminary (and highly condensed) manuscript based on research that is still in progress, so please do not cite or circulate.

Lauermann – Megaevents planning as global urban policymaking